"You're not making an impact if you're not pissing someone off"

Tag Archives: Thomas Jefferson

The symbolism is clear.  A chair hanging from a rope, dangling from a tree in a white man’s front yard was not intended to send a subtle message.  Is this a signal from someone becoming disconnected from reality, much like the mass killers whose unstable mental condition led to those atrocities?


One’s initial thought of this chair pictured above hanging in the yard of a north Austin neighborhood might be that someone’s white trash kid was air drying the new paint on it.  It turns out however to be a political statement by a white trash resident about the President, as Katherine Haenschen in her Burnt Orange Report blog discovered

The chair of course represents the symbolic personification of the President that Clint Eastwood has now made famous from his rambling speech at the Republican National Convention late last month in Tampa Bay, Florida.

After Ms. Haenschen discovered the homeowner’s identity she called to ask him about the chair and it appears that their conversation soon ended after the homeowner responded to her concern about it’s symbolism and how it reflected on Austin.

“I don’t really give a damn whether it disturbs you or not” he told her.  “You can take [your concerns] and go straight to hell and take Obama with you. I don’t give a shit. If you don’t like it, don’t come down my street.”

To be sure that this hanging chair wasn’t misunderstood for anything other that what it represents, the homeowner stuck an American flag on the chair the next day.

To Ms. Haenschen the photo raised the ugly specter of a lynching; that practice in another era in the South where bigoted whites would eliminate any “niggers” that forgot their place in Southern society.

The image of the chair is associated with the President. Now, lynch that chair from a tree, and you’ve got a pretty awful racist sentiment calling for lynching the first African-American President    SOURCE  

I don’t know that I would have taken it any further than one ignorant man’s show of his dislike for the president.  The chair is secured by a regular knot, not the ugly noose of a hanging rope.  And it’s hard to project a message connoted by Clint Eastwood with a chair simply sitting in the lawn.  But then I’m a white male and such thoughts don’t come automatically to me, even though I was raised in the South and am familiar with this ugly racial symbol.

But now I’m not sure that the lynching symbolism isn’t there.  It was reported in The Burnt Orange Report the next day that another chair with a sign attached that read “Nobama”, a day earlier than the Austin “hanging”, was lynched with the noose style knot, adjacent to the Bull Run Park in Centerville, Virginia, as seen in the picture below.

photo from the Blue Virginia blog

The Virginia “lynching” was a story reported by a writer for the Blue Virginia blog and in the picture you can not only clearly see the noose-style knot in the rope but a nearby George Allen campaign sign.  Allen is running to regain his Senate seat he lost to Jim Webb in 2006, a seat he lost in some measure by his racist comment caught on this video taken by S.R. Sidarth, a Fairfax, Virginia student at the time who is of Indian descent.   

S.R. Sidarth

When I reflect back on the senseless mass killings in Tucson, Fort Hood, Texas and most recently in Aurora, Colorado, it pains me to realize that all of the shooters involved  – Jared Loughner, Nidal Malik Hasan and James Holmes – had sent out signals to those around them that they were in the throes of physically hurting people.  Could these “lynched” chairs be a similar type signal of people who are becoming detached from the real world?

Such signals doesn’t always mean that a ticking time bomb is fixing to explode.  The reluctance by authority figures to investigate such people and bring them in for questioning  is often a factor of how the gun industry in this country has created the perceived legitimacy to purchase weapons and ammo that a military unit or police force would consider threatening.  It all becomes viewed merely as person’s constitutional right to bear arms.  

Heavily armed wing-nuts are afforded by some the status of patriots in the vein often cited by colonial insurrectionists like Patrick Henry, Thomas Paine and even Thomas Jefferson.  And to be sure, there are those within certain militia groups that adhere to notions of second amendment rights that parrot the views of those colonists after winning their independence from the British monarchy but who don’t necessarily pose a threat to those around them.

But that was then when a monarchy ruled this  country, often with a heavy hand and the people had little recourse to change not only the policies they didn’t like but the ultimate policymaker himself – the King of Great Britain.  Today we have elected officials and a system of law that allows ordinary citizens to effect change in our political system, although it is often weighted in favor of people who have large sums of money.

The sense that the “spirit of resistance to government” occasionally requires a revolution, as Thomas Jefferson suggested, “where from time to time, … the blood of patriots and tyrants” must flow, is a sentiment too often heard within the white male culture in this country today.  It is not a cry where all people not borne of the manor and whose skin is darker would share in these times.  For such people, freedom means less about some perceived government tyranny and more about equality of opportunity that more and more seems a surety only for the wealthiest.

The people who strung up the chairs in Virginia and Austin, Texas, could well be part of the “unwashed masses” but they are also most likely white and male whose ignorance of facts and what true socialism is prevent them from accepting certain realities.  Instead they live in a world where extremists who have access to the airwaves generate a fantasy world that reflects a lifestyle that no longer exists or are unwilling to acknowledge that because times and people change, it does not mean that a better world is not still within reach for all people, not just for those who resemble the 18th century generation that founded and fought for a democratic republic.


Who and what are Tea Partiers and others referring to when they speak of the original intent of the founding fathers?

Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer

Image via Wikipedia

I’m often perplexed by those people who refer to the founding fathers as a single entity presuming that when some of them came together in the summer of 1787 to write our present day Constitution they were of one mind before they arrived and were of like mind when they left.  Actually the opposite is true.  There is also the belief by those who use “founding fathers” in singular terms that there was some singular “original intent”; a perception that holds the view that there are no dynamics or evolutionary processes within human social structures.

A letter to the editor contributor to my local newspaper initiated this train of thought for me this morning by expressing his view thatwe have disregarded original intent” and, using culinary vernacular, suggested that we “get back to ingesting the ‘original-intent’ diet the framers cooked up for us”.  The writer at the onset informed us that for years he has “been reading and studying our U.S. Constitution. And as yet [had] not been able to get a clear picture of what the framers’ intent was in our following its formula.

Are these people referring to men other than the framers of the constitution as the founding fathers as they should with people like Jefferson, Thomas Paine and Patrick Henry, who were not there when the Constitution was conceived, documented and signed?

These people might find it disturbing that the 55 men who originally signed in for the commencement of the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in late May of 1787 were of varying opposing views; perhaps less so than when they left in September of that year.  Most had come believing that a new, stronger central government was vital for the survival of the new confederation of states.

Secretary of State James Madison, who won Marb...

Image via Wikipedia

One of the strongest proponents of this view was James Madison, the singular figure that many on the right hold as “the acknowledged father of the Constitution”.  They would be right in that his contribution was the basis  for the constitutional context.  It derived from his “Virginia Plan” that both he and fellow Virginian Governor Edmund Randolph had fashioned earlier.  But Madison’s vision also held that the president should be elected by a newly formed “national legislature”, not the people, and that he originally nixed the proposal by fellow Virginian, George Mason, as the Convention was about to close to add a “Bill of Rights”, similar to the one that was eventually added two years after the Constitution was ratified by all 13 states in 1790.

Madison and many of those who came to Philadelphia were, in historian Richard Beeman’s word’s, concerned about the “weakness in the Confederation government that allowed the self-interests of any one state to overwhelm the public interests of the nation.”  This view seems to be in direct conflict with a lot of those people who associate with the newly formed Tea Party of today as they give overbearing credence to the states rights’ position addressed in the 10 amendment, thus the term “Tenthers” for those who oppose most everything the central government represents.

Of the 55 that started, only 41 remained by the time the Convention delegates had concluded their business in September.  There were those alliances between small Northern states and some Southern states that wanted to continue the states equal representation found in the older Articles of Confederation as opposed to Madison and others who wanted representation of the states to be based on population, a plan that would benefit populous states like Pennsylvania, Virginia and North Carolina.

There were those, especially from non-Southern states that did not want to count slaves as “legitimate” people to base representation on; partly for moral reason but equally for their reluctance to consider the black race equal to the white man in most if not all respects.  Those in the Southern states of course wanted to count their slaves amongst the representative population but if they could not have that, then most wanted to base representation on property ownership, which of course there too slaves would be considered highly valuable.

Delegates like purse-lipped Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, Roger Sherman of Connecticut and Pierce Butler of South Carolina were suspicious of the democratic process by which each citizen had a say in who their elected officials were.  Some like Alexander Hamilton wanted to give great amounts of authority to the Executive branch where others were reluctant to let any single individual have greater authority than the individual state legislatures.  Virginia’s James McClurg proposed that the president could serve for life, provided he displayed “good behavior” at all times.

Today we hear many within the Tea Party pummel listeners with comments about their distrust of the federal government and how Washington wants “to tell us how to run our lives”.  These people might be shocked to find that one prominent “founding father” at the Constitutional convention, George Mason (yes, the same man that fought for an inclusion of a “Bill of Rights”) wanted to establish sumptuary laws, laws that would restrict the personal consumption of luxury items.  In today’s terms that would be mansions, yachts, private airplanes and fully loaded Cadillacs.

So how does one so easily conclude that there was a singular mindset explicitly implied in the Constitution?  We must all keep in mind that the framers of the Constitution were by-and-large wealthy aristocratic white males whose primary focus was to protect the nature of property, primarily theirs.  How does the intent of such men reflect the values of hard-working property-less people, including women and children and of course slaves and the minority races that were sparse then but would ultimately come to grow in large numbers.

Based on but this brief summation about some of the founding fathers I think we can safely assume that there was no singular mindset that existed amongst them.  And we can further conclude that the notion of an “original intent” that did not allow for a changing world is also unfounded within the full context of that document.

Edmund Randolph

Image via Wikipedia

When Virginia’s governor Edmund Randolph assisted others within a Committee of Detail to write a first draft half way through the convention, he “laid down two principles that, while they never appeared in the final report of the committee, seem extraordinary in their wisdom and foresight more than two centuries later.” They were

  1. to insert essential principle only, lest the operations of government should be clogged by rendering those provisions permanent and unalterable, which ought to be accommodated to times and events, and
  2. to use simple and precise language, and general propositions, according to the example of the constitutions of the several states. (For the construction of a constitution of necessarily [sic] differs from that of the law)  *

I noted this component about the document in an earlier article and stated that the first gives credence to contemporary jurists and constitutional scholars who argue that ours is a ‘living constitution’ that must be interpreted in the light of changing times and circumstance, while the second supports the notion of those today “who argue for an ‘originalist’ interpretation of the Constitution.

I think the letter writer to the editorial column I mentioned earlier sums up the problem many today have with this concern.  Reading the Constitution alone will not convey what the framers as a unit or as individuals “originally” intended.  Nor will gleaning selected passages from the writings of preferred delegates who attended that convention in 1787.

Most who exposed their thoughts on this historic event did so many years after the Continental Convention concluded.  Reluctant to allow the minutes of their meeting to be made public for fear they would be exploited by some for nefarious reasons, agreement was made amongst them to keep them secret for a while.  They ultimately handed them over to George Washington, the  convention’s chairman, who in turn conveyed them to the new Department of State in 1796.  The new Congress prohibited their publication until 1818.

Madison, the so-called “father of the Constitution”, did so only after his death in 1835.  For those who rely too much on Madison’s perceptions alone, expressed in the Federalist Papers, it would behoove them to know that though he kept copious notes for the most part in his role as a Constitutional framer, the Federalist Papers were written years after the fact, with reflections that changed somewhat from some initial views he expressed several decades earlier; probably “refined” overtime to reflect contemporary realities.  What then would you call his “original intent”?

Plain, Honest Men: The Making of the American Constitution by Richard Beeman,  page 270.


Those who have more are bucking the system and laughing all the way to the bank.

I hope we shall… crush in its birth the aristocracy of our moneyed corporations which dare already to challenge our government in a trial of strength, and bid defiance to the laws of our country.” – Thomas Jefferson, 1816

The experience that Thomas Jefferson and other early colonials had with chartered corporations of the British crown and their monopolistic grants inferred to them left many  in the newly formed democracy with acrimonious feelings.  To men like Jefferson they were objects of greed that sought to expand their commercial enterprises beyond their charter’s grant.  This proved prophetic as corporate personhood proponents pushed their agenda through the courts in the 19th and 20th century; culminating in a status beyond most people’s wildest expectations in Citizens United vs. FEC just last year.

In that case the conservative majority in a 5-4 decision went beyond the actual merits of the case and declared that money was equal to speech and no entity could be prevented from spending on political campaigns.  This was a major departure from 100 years of legal precedent.  For all intents and purposes corporations now have virtually the same rights as citizens but without some of the responsibilities in areas that can ultimately create the monopolistic authority that many of the earlier colonials had dreaded.

Though there are efforts to undo what the Roberts court has created, it is likely that this  monster will never be completely put back in its container and we will have to deal with it at every point where it’s practices become corrupt.  No matter what the outcome of these efforts are we should perhaps address our concerns with the current status of corporations as “citizens” by keeping them under the spotlight and expose their abuses when they occur.

We should start with a practice that has been around for quite a while now and go after their legalized theft of depriving the U.S. treasury its due revenue from business taxes.  One of the most recent examples of this is where G.E.,  the largest corporation in this country, made some $10.3 billion in profits last year and paid zero dollars in taxes.   They were able to achieve this through the zealous efforts of their pawn’s in Congress who have enacted legislation enabling corporations to move their money to offshore and foreign accounts where corporate profits were immune from the laws of the land.

In fact, many of the loopholes that enable  corporations to eschew their fair share of taxes negate the oft heard whine by proponents that the U.S. has the largest corporate tax than nearly every other country around the world.  The rate is high at 35% but is seldom realized because of such loopholes that in effect create lower tax rates than many working families pay.  To pour salt into this wound, many corporations are also subsidized with federal funds as a part of other legislation that allows them to circumvent using their profits to reinvest in their business and instead often goes to their bottom line in the form of bigger dividends for shareholders and large bonuses for CEOs and other upper management personnel.

click on image to enlarge

Staying with the G.E. model, this multinational conglomerate receives 2 – 3 federal energy grants every month which has totaled over $300 million in the first decade of this century.  Subsidies during this period amount to $5.38 billion.  Furthermore, they spent $19.5 million lobbying the government for more subsidies while posting more than $2.94 Billion in net profits for the fourth quarter of 2010 alone.  And just when you thought it couldn’t get any worse, it turns out G.E. doesn’t even create U.S. manufacturing jobs because all products G.E. makes are manufactured abroad in cheaper labor markets.

Exxon-Mobil who made higher profits last year than they or any other corporation has ever made, contributed NOTHING to the U.S. treasury in business taxes by virtue of their offshore shells that allow them to evade their responsibility to help pay for the physical and intellectual infrastructure this country requires to remain competitive with world markets.  In fact, a study by the investigative arm of the U.S. Congress, the Government Accountability Office showed that two-thirds of all U.S. corporations paid no taxes from 1998 to 2005. (SOURCE)

Pat Garafalo with Think Progress’s Wonk Room reported back in April 2009 that major U.S. corporations were able to have their effective tax rate lowered so significantly that over $100 billion dollars in needed revenue passed to real citizens in this country and at a time when many were losing their jobs and their homes.  For all of the ranting and raving about the high tax rate U.S. companies have to pay, the legislation passed by corporate friendly legislators in Washington saw companies like G.E. obligated to pay taxes at only a 5.5% rate; a rate considerably lower than the 20-25% rate many real people pay who make less than $100,000 a year. (Corporations Lowering Their Tax Rate More Than 20 Points Due To Offshore Deferral by Pat Garafalo, The Wonk Room, 4/22/09)

In their zeal to regain the America they feel they have lost, Tea Party candidates have attacked public welfare spending to lower the deficit but have ignored the much larger corporate welfare that burdens this country.  As citizens we are obligated to pay our fair share of taxes.  Without taxes to pay for essentials that encourage business and promote the general welfare of its citizens, this country would come to grinding halt.   Yet it is the real people of this country who are left footing the bill for not only this but getting stuck with the tab for bailing out a crooked financial system while their friends in high places turn a blind eye to the abuses they have helped create.

How much more will the average working family tolerate before they fully grasp that those who cry the loudest about taxation are the least likely to have the best interests of this country at heart?

RESOURCES:

corporate personhood (wikipedia)

the legal fiction of corporate personhood



Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.

Join 80 other followers